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[Drug management manual for primary healthcare facilities] Manuel de gestion des médicaments au niveau des formations sanitaires de base.
[Rabat], Morocco, Ministère de la Santé, Direction des Hôpitaux et des Soins Ambulatoires, Division des Soins Ambulatoires, 2002 Mar. 44 p.This guide to drug management, prepared by the ministry of health of Morocco in the context of its policy aimed at improving the quality of care and services, constitutes a reference tool for sensitizing and training healthcare personnel. The goal in its development is to ensure access to medications, increasing their availability through a national strategy of acquisition and management of drugs and medical devices. The guide explains the notion of generic drugs, essential drugs and vital drugs; it outlines their streamlining through steps reflecting the pharmaceutical policy based on the concept of essential and vital drugs, the national list of which is one of the pillars; drug prescriptions; the fight against waste; information and education of patients about their proper use; and finally the control of the cycle of drug management whose basic functions are founded on four principles: selection, acquisition, distribution and utilization. The utilization of drugs as described by the guide involves rules to be observed for proper prescription, writing the prescription, dispensing medications and their use for the patient. The practical portion of the guide offers techniques for rational management of medications such as inventory management, order management and preventing loss. Indicators for tracking and evaluating consumption as well as information media are thus offered in order to permit those who make decisions about drugs to control drug management properly.
[Pharmaceutical and economic aspects of high blood pressure treatment in Morocco] Aspects pharmaco-économiques du traitement de l’hypertension artérielle au Maroc.
Espérance Médicale. 2002 Oct; 9(87):540-544.In this article, the authors try to evaluate the scope of under-medication in the case of high blood pressure (HBP) in Morocco, and they attempt to evaluate certain pharmaceutical economic aspects of high blood pressure medication by utilizing the various data in the subject, as presented in tables. Analyses of these data showed the following elements: consumption of high blood pressure medication in Morocco remains quite low in comparison with the theoretical needs of the population, the consumption/need ratio, especially in private/pharmacy consumption corresponds to 2.3% of the needs of the population in HBP medication, a price analysis shows a sizeable variation in these values both between different families of high blood pressure medication and within a single family. The economic factor seems to be the primary obstacle to this consumption. An analysis of monthly costs for HBP treatment shows that they are relatively high, and represent on average, 11% of the Moroccan minimum wage. This chronic condition remains quite common, it affects a third of the adult Moroccan population. And despite the encouraging medical context, care of a hypertensive subject in Morocco remains unsatisfactory, all the more so given that generic antihypertensives remain modest in comparison with other drug classes. Not forgetting the absence of coverage by required health insurance and the relatively low purchasing power. In conclusion, the figures presented do not constitute an accurate image of the reality of consumption of these drugs in Morocco, but represent good indicators in order to allow this consumption to be monitored over several years.
BULLETIN OF THE WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION. 1992; 70(5):567-72.WHO's Commission on Health and Environment states that a healthy environment is not only a necessity: the right to live and to work in an environment favorable to physical and mental health is recognized by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is for everyone to see to it that this right be respected. It is the duty of individuals and businesses to act and of public powers to supply a strategic and institutional framework necessary for action. Three major objectives can be defined at the global level: establish a sustainable base for health for all, assure a favorable environment for health (i.e., reduce physical, chemical, and biological risks and furnish all the means to acquire the necessary resources for health), and make all individuals and organizations aware of their responsibilities in regard to health and environmental conditions which are necessary to all. To achieve a sustainable base for all, it will be necessary to slow down and finally stop population growth as fast as possible and to promote ways of life and plans of consumption conforming to requirements of ecological sustainability in developed countries. Two principles are at the center of all actions aiming to guarantee a healthier and more stable environment: more equitable access to resources between individuals on the national level and between countries, and full participation of citizens in planning. Participation contributes to the promotion of health and the quality of the environment because it serves as a means to organize action and to motivate individuals and communities while allowing them to work out policies and projects based on their own priorities. It also allows individuals to influence the choices of the means to reap the best part of limited resources. Participation policy structures offer the means to fight against environmental degradation.
[Fertility and household standard of living: a new look] Fecondite et niveau de vie des menages: un nouveau regard.
Rabat, Morocco, Direction de la Statistique, Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Demographiques [CERED], 1992 Mar. 50 p.The relationship between household expenditure and fertility in Morocco is examined using data from the 1984-1985 National Survey on Consumption and Household Expenditure (ENCDM). The results indicate that fertility declines as household expenditure increases. Female education and economic activity appear to be the primary determinants associated with lower fertility. (ANNOTATION)
[The Permanent Household Survey: provisional results, 1985] Enquete Permanente Aupres des Menages: resultats provisoires 1985
Abidjan, Ivory Coast, Ivory Coast. Ministere de l'Economie et des Finances. Direction de la Statistique, 1985. 76 p.This preliminary statistical report provides an overview of selected key economic and social indicators drawn from a data collection system recently implemented in the Ivory Coast. The Ivory Coast's Direction de la Statistique and the World Bank's Development Research Department are collaborating, under the auspices of the Bank's Living Standards Measurement Study, to interview 160 households per month on a continuous basis for 10 months out of the year. Data are collected concerning population size, age structure, sex distribution, family size, nationality, proportion of female heads of household, fertility, migration, health, education, type of residence, occupations, employment status, financial assistance among family members, and consumption. Annual statistical reports based on each round of the survey are to be published, along with brief semiannual updates.
[Demographic temporalities and environmental temporalities: are they compatible?] Temporalites demographiques et temporalites environnementales: sont-elles compatibles?
In: Regulations demographiques et environnement. Actes des VIes Journees demographiques de l'ORSTOM, 22-24 septembre 1997 - Paris, sous la direction de Laurent Auclair, Patrick Gubry, Michel Picouet, Frederic Sandron. Paris, France, Institut de Recherche pour le Developpement, 2001 Feb. 13-20. (Etudes du CEPED No. 18)Research conducted by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) suggests that human activity is affecting the earth's climate through the greenhouse effect. The effect is associated with the atmospheric accumulation of a number of gases, mainly carbon dioxide, during human activities in the energy, industrial, and agricultural sectors. The only way to limit or avoid potential climatic damage resulting from such accumulation is to end the accumulation. Starting right now, measures must be taken to control atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases over the next 100 years. The more that stable concentrations of these gases approach pre-industrial concentrations, the more the world's population will be able to thrive without affecting the global climate. However, population growth and the growing material needs of developing country populations oppose the establishment and maintenance of a fixed ceiling for greenhouse gas emissions. The author considers how to reduce global energy consumption and agricultural and industrial emissions over the next 50 years given such constraints. Discussion unfolds in sections on time constraints in moving forward, demographics and development, and the key role of demographic and economic perspectives in debate over global change.
Paris, France, Institut National d'Etudes Demographiques [INED], 1995 Feb. 4 p. (Population et Societes No. 298)Water constitutes 80% of the earth's surface. It is an essential factor for development. Of all renewable resources on the planet, fresh water is the most intractable. Fresh water represents only 2.5% of all water in the world. If one includes the fresh water in polar ice caps and glaciers, it makes up 1%. All life on earth has access to only 47,000 sq. km of renewable water each year. Most of this water returns to the sea unused. An eighth falls far away from inhabited areas. So the high limit of renewable water used under technical and actual demographic conditions is 15,000 sq. km/year (2500 sq. m/person/ year). 2.5 l of water/person/day is the amount needed to satisfy just metabolic demands. In developed countries, the demand is 100 l/person/day (e.g., toilets require 8-10 l for each flush). Water consumption ranges from less than 6 to more than 800 sq. m/year/person (52 sq. m/year/person). Fresh water use is as unequal as consumption. California uses 10,000 sq. m of water/persons/year, yet it has a semi-arid climate. It is depleting its groundwater resources. Water consumption has increased 230% between 1950 and 1990. Population growth is increasing the number of countries surpassing water scarcity thresholds. Almost 80 countries now suffer from water shortages during some points of the year. 28 countries are familiar with chronic shortages. Some areas of the world already have universal deterioration of water resources. Access to fresh water is of strategic importance. More than 200 river and lake basins cross international borders. Israel exercises strict control on water usage in Jordan. Bangladesh is asking the international community to finance dams in India and Nepal to control the Ganges and the Brahmaputra rivers which often bring fatal floods. The solution to these problems will arise from political, economic, and technical cooperation and demographic policy.
Population et Societes. 1995 Feb; (298):1-4.Land availability has attracted more attention than potential shortages of fresh water as a problem of population growth. Fresh water is indispensable to life. Only about 1% of the earth's water is fresh and available for use. Of the 119,000 cu. km of water falling as precipitation each year, over half returns unused to the sea and one-eighth falls far from human population. Under current technical and demographic conditions, the upper limit of capacity in effectively utilizable renewable water does not exceed 15,000 cu. km per year, or 2500 cu. m per capita per year. An estimated 2.5 liters of water per day are necessary to meet strictly metabolic requirements. Domestic needs have been estimated at 100 liters per day or 40 cu. m per year in the most developed countries. The world average consumption is 52 cu. m, but the range is from less than 6 cu. m in Ethiopia, Rwanda, Burundi, and Bangladesh to over 200 in the US and over 800 in Australia. On average, agricultural consumption is eight times greater than domestic consumption, at 444 cu. m per inhabitant. Agricultural consumption ranges from 216 cu. m in Africa to 912 in North America. Industrial consumption averages three times domestic consumption but is unevenly distributed. Availability of fresh water is even more unequal than consumption. Water consumption more than tripled between 1950 and 1990 because of doubling of world population and increased per capita consumption. Whether a comparable increase can be expected between 1990 and 2050, when world population is projected to double again, is a serious question. It has been estimated that, by 2025, 2.8 to 3.3 billion persons will live in areas of recurring water shortage. The Food and Agriculture Organization projects that by 2025, Rwanda, Burundi, Kenya, and Tunisia will lose the ability to be self-sustaining in food supply because of water shortages. Several other countries with rapid population growth are also threatened. Some areas of Russia and some zones of Third World megalopolises have irreversibly damaged their water resources. Access to water is of strategic importance. More than 200 rivers and lakes cross international borders, and struggles over control of water will undoubtedly constitute a growing threat. Future strategies to conserve water will include efforts to capture rainwater and to exploit river water more fully before it flows into the sea. Ground water is likely to be the object of serious competition. Unequal distribution of water will in the long run require population redistribution.
[Estimating the changing cost of children? A change in society, and a citicism of some concepts] Chiffrer une evolution du cout de l'enfant? Changement de societe, mise en cause des concepts.
POPULATION. 1994 Nov-Dec; 49(6):1,389-418.This is a review of the literature on the costs of having and raising children. The author notes that "initially, when the aim was to fight against poverty and maintain family living standards, research was directed to setting nutritional and budget standards. Subsequent research methods were based on household behaviour which was decreasingly focused on satisfying their basic needs. From 1964, economic models were based on the welfare of parents who make both economic and fertility decisions. The latest research tests the compatibility of the models with observed consumer behaviour. It shows that household consumption does not give any information on welfare in different types of households at a point of time, but gives a full comparison of trends in these welfare levels after setting their value at a point by convention." (SUMMARY IN ENG AND SPA) (EXCERPT)
[Social inequalities and spatial organization in Martinique] Inegalites sociales et logiques spatiales a la Martinique.
Espace, Populations, Societes. 1993; (2):419-25.The author develops a model to illustrate the social inequalities among seven major regional groups in Martinique, examining such indicators as income, employment, and consumption. (SUMMARY IN ENG) (ANNOTATION)
[Is the "general theory of population" always a general theory of population?] La theorie generale de la population est-elle toujours une theorie generale de la population?
POPULATION. 1992 Nov-Dec; 47(6):1411-24.The 2-volume "General Theory of Population," published by Alfred Sauvy in 1952 and reissued frequently, combined theoretical arguments and wide-ranging observations which furnished an appreciation of the complexity of relationships uniting population and society. The "General Theory" offered simultaneously a synthesis of demographic knowledge and a stimulus for further research. Established facts were presented, relationships specified, and conjectures requiring verification or rejection offered. This work examines a number of concepts proposed or developed by Sauvy in the "General Theory" and assesses the degree to which it can still be considered a "general" theory 4 decades after its original appearance. The theory of optimum population is the basic framework for volume 1, which analyzes relationships between population and the economy. Although demographers continue to consider some population sizes preferable to others, the concept of an optimum population has fallen out of use. However, Sauvy's reflections on the effects of technological progress on population and employment and his work on the analysis of consumption and the role of demand in demoeconomic dynamics remain of interest. Sauvy devoted a considerable effort to calculating the economic value of a man, a topic first considered in the 17th century. Estimation of the economic value of a man is related to problems of population aging, financing of pensions, and international migration, all areas of interest to Sauvy. Volume 2 of the "General Theory" introduced the sociological dimensions of population questions. Sauvy's views on population aging, on the desirability of increasing France's birth rate to ameliorate the consequences of aging, and on family policy were presented in the "General Theory." International migration, the economic and demographic problems of the Third World, and the benefits of education in the Third World were other prominent topics. Sauvy's "General Theory" can no longer be considered a general theory in the strict sense. Although Sauvy was aware of the complexity of interrelationships, the book lacks a systematic vision of society. The work also lacks an ecological dimension and a confrontation between theories of urbanization and actual experiences. It contains no development models that go beyond a mechanistic view of society. On occasion, value judgments intrude. The work as a whole, however, retains great interest, with its abundance of information and ideas and suggestions for future research.
Arlington, Virginia, Management Sciences for Health, Technologies for Primary Health Care [PRITECH], 1989. , 12, 16,  p. (USAID Contract No. DPE-5969-Z-00-7064-00)In February 1989, a consultant went to Rwanda to provide technical assistance on creating Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) Corners and on oral rehydration solution (ORS) production and distribution. Major obstacles to setting up ORT Corners was limited manpower and financial resources. Recommendations for ORT Corners were that the government should emphasize ORT Corners' aim and role rather than the material and physical aspects and gain support of local and regional health officials. Annual consumption of ORS packets stood at 450,000. Since the goal was to have children use ORS for every diarrhea episode, needs would range from 8 to 10 million ORS packets/year. The cost would well surpass the ability of any government or donor agency to finance them, however. Thus the government should implement cost recovery procedures before introducing large-scale community-based distribution. Research was in the process of finding distribution mechanisms additional to the health services. Perhaps the nutrition centers, where about 60% of <2-year old children attend, could serve as ORS distribution points and impart ORT education. The consultant recommended more research on home available fluids to treat diarrhea without dehydration and not exclude them from diarrhea control programs. Since uncertainties existed about probable ORS demand levels, no one could determine needed production capacity or investment level. The consultant observed that it was not obvious who would purchase output. He concluded that Rwanda should continue to receive ORS packets from UNICEF until 1990 or 1991. It should only consider local ORS production when it has clearly identified financing and distribution options and determined demand.
[The impact of the demographic crunch on standards of living over the long term] L'impact du choc demographique sur le niveau de vie a long terme.
ACTUALITE ECONOMIQUE. 1989 Sep; 65(3):364-95.The long-term implications of the radical decline in fertility that has occurred in all modern industrial societies are analyzed, with particular reference to Canada. "On first approximation, calculations based on the Solow growth model predict a decline in the time path of aggregate consumption per adult that could reach 5 or 6 per cent in Canada in 2011-2016, but would become smaller thereafter. The demographic shock would therefore not generate economic tragedy. This result is the outcome of the opposite effects on aggregate consumption of the declining population growth rate and of the rising dependency ratio." (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
[Aging and consumption: findings from French household expenditure surveys] Vieillissement et consommation: quelques resultats tires des enquetes francaises sur les budgets des menages.
POPULATION. 1989 May-Jun; 44(3):561-79.In this study an attempt is made to predict the consequences of ageing on household consumption [in France] by considering behaviour which is related to age, independently of income or economic conditions. Information from surveys on consumer expenditure by age of respondent carried out in 1971, 1979 and 1985 make it possible to define consumption patterns which are related to ageing. Excluding expenditure on health care, those aged 70 or over spent less on food, clothing and repairs, but there was an increase with age of expenditure on housing repairs and energy....On the basis of individual expenditure for 1979, and estimating the cost of a child as 40 per cent of that of an adult, projections for the year 2050 showed that consumption per head would rise by a maximum of nine per cent as a result of ageing, if the standard of living of 1979 was to be preserved and fertility continued to be low. This figure agrees with trends observed between 1971 and 1973. (SUMMARY IN ENG AND SPA) (EXCERPT)
[Population and consumption in Morocco. Part 1: The impact of consumption on demographic trends] Population et consommation au Maroc. Premiere partie: l'influence de la consommation sur les variables demographiques.
Rabat, Morocco, Morocco. Direction de la Statistique. Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Demographiques, 1988 Jul. 56 p.This is the first of a planned two-part study concerning the relationships between consumption and selected demographic variables in Morocco. The emphasis in Part 1 is on the demographic impact of consumption. Data are from a survey on household expenditures conducted in 1984-1985, and from the censuses of 1971 and 1982. Separate consideration is given to infant mortality, female age at marriage and fertility, the rural exodus and rural-urban migration, urbanization, and literacy and education. (ANNOTATION)
Luxembourg, STATEC, 1987 Dec. xx, 529 p.The 1987/88 Statistical Yearbook of Luxembourg contains data on a wide variety of topics organized into 23 chapters with data on economic and noneconomic topics specific to Luxembourg and a final chapter with a series of international comparisons. Each of the chapters and many of the tables and graphs contain introductory notes and explanations. The work opens with a listing of basic statistics followed by chapters on territory and climate and on population. The chapter on population includes subsections on evolution of the total population, the active population, natural movement of the population, migratory movement, and housing and households. The major section on economic statistics includes chapters on national accounts, agriculture and forestry, industry, artisanry, services, banks and credit, public finances, income and social security, consumption and prices, research and external economic relations. The section on noneconomic statistics includes chapters on accidents, anthropometry, culture and education, environment, justice, names and surnames of the national population, politics, religion, health, and sports.
OBSERVATIONS ET DIAGNOSTICS ECONOMIQUES. 1986 Jul; (16):217-34.The implications of current changes in marriage patterns in France are explored. The author notes that the growing popularity of consensual union has not significantly affected the homogamy of couples and the transfer of resources between generations. However, the social and economic consequences of these changes in nuptiality are significant, involving a decline in fertility, changes in the demand for employment, increased housing needs, changes in social security, and changes in consumer demands. (ANNOTATION)
[Using demographic statistics in market studies and specifically for the business planning] Utilisation des statistiques demographiques dans les etudes de marche et specifiquement pour les plans des entreprises.
In: Utilisation des statistiques demographiques au Cameroun. Actes d'une Seminaire tenu du 16 au 19 Juillet 1984 a Yaounde. Yaounde, Cameroon, Ministere du Plan et de l'Amenagement du Territoire, 1985 Jul. 308-32.This article assesses the potential use of demographic statistics in determining the volume and structure of consumption through market studies and the sources of demographic data used in market studies, and presents concrete examples of demographic data use in market studies in Cameroon. The age and sex structure of the population influences the availability of labor and the extent of the market for particular products, while the socioeconomic structure is related to income and purchasing power. Population movements of particular interest to business planning include rural-urban migration, change in the numbers of households or household size, and change in household budgets. Population growth, determined by prevailing patterns of fertility, mortality, and migration, is the most important determinant of total consumption of many products. The 3 major data sources for market studies are population censuses, demographic surveys, and civil registration systems. Censuses furnish exhaustive statistics on individual and collective characteristics for population units of all sizes, serve as bases for sampling studies, and are useful for study of population movement. Budget-consumption studies with demographic content are the usual method of determining effective consumption. The budget-consumption survey underway in Cameroon is expected to yield data on a wide range of household expenditures. A well-functioning civil registration system combined with accurate knowledge of migratory trends would permit calculation of the population growth rate. Concrete examples of market studies undertaken in Cameroon using available demographic data include a footwear manufacturer that used demographic data to help estimate the proportion of shoes to offer for different ages and sizes of feet, a producer of school notebooks who used data on population structure to determine the number of each type of notebook to produce, and a life insurance company which needed to structure rates to fit Cameroon, a country with few actuaries. A cigarette company and a brewery requiring data for planning of distribution and possible expansion are other examples of enterprises requiring demographic data. Limited availability of official statistics and out-of-date data forced each company to some extent to develop supplementary data collection systems.
[Greece and the European Economic Community: relations between mortality rates by cause and indexes of development] La Grece et la Communaute Economique Europeenne: relations entre les taux de mortalite par cause et les indices de developpement.
SOZIAL- UND PRAVENTIVMEDIZIN/MEDECINE SOCIALE ET PREVENTIVE. 1986; 31(3):178-82.Differences among the countries of the European Community concerning the relationship between mortality rates and various indexes of socioeconomic development are analyzed. These indexes include the pace of industrial development, the level of urbanization, and the quantity and quality of individual consumption. The analysis is primarily concerned with differences among countries concerning causes of death. (SUMMARY IN ENG AND GER) (ANNOTATION)
[Migrations and rural capitalization in Egypt: changes in the peasant family] Migrations et capitalisation de la campagne en Egypte: la reconversion de la famille paysanne.
TIERS-MONDE. 1985 Jul-Sep; 26(103):523-32.Economic changes in Egypt over the past decade have resulted from a series of influences including the rise in the cost of oil, the world economic crisis, and governmental efforts to develop a new policy of economic development. Although the effects of economic change are more immediately apparent in urban areas, their import has perhaps been more profound in the countryside. The most comfortable agricultural producers are growing a greater variety of crops, are more highly capitalized operations, and are more closely influenced by the world and local markets. Producers failing to make these changes are being bought out in a type of agrarian self-reform financed ultimately by income from migration to oil producing states. Members of an Egyptian family studied from 1969-84 were typical landless rural cultivaters renting lands until 1969, when they obtained title to a small quantity of land under the 3rd law of agrarian reform, promulgated in March 1969. Despite the agrarian reform, the role of the landlord initially was largely replaced by that of the state, on which the family now became dependent. The family retained the essential characteristics of the landless peasant: low standard of living, necessity of selling their labor to larger producers, and absence of decision making capacity concerning type of cultivation and direct experience with the market. The agrarian reform cooperative now played the role of intermediary formerly filled by the landlord. During the period from 1974-81, which saw a new government policy development, 2 brothers in the family worked as laborers in Iraq, leaving their wives and children behind in the care of the extended family. Their father ceased to fill the role of patriach; the new need for an entrepreneur was filled by 1 of the emigrating brothers, who arranged for purchase of a house to replace the family's rented quarters and also bought a tractor to be rented to other cultivators, representing a new source of income, mechanization of the countryside, and a form of capitalization. Tomatoes and other vegetables were added to the family crops. The family's standard of living continued to improve, and greater efforts were made to educate the children. The entrepreneur brother was replaced after his accidental death by a younger brother who continued his activities while still striving to maintain the family labor pool, which now amounted to 32 workers based on 5 marriages. The original new house was rented and then sold to finance more land purchases, and a constant supply of migrant remittances was available. The local wage rate also increased significantly, raising the possibility of significant earnings. The progress of this family was not atypical and was partly due to the internal aptitude of Egyptian society for integrating change.
[Migrations and economic and social change in Egypt] Migrations et transformations economiques et sociales en Egypte.
Tiers-Monde. 1985 Jul-Sep; 26(103):493-506.The inexistence in the Arab world of institutions to facilitate development led Egypt to adopt the infitah, a policy of economic opening which is not a voluntarist economic strategy but rather is intended to create a climate favorable to a more capitalistic orientation for individuals with access to petroleum income. Egypt's gross national product grew by 4.6%/year in the dozen years through 1965, but thereafter growth was sluggish or even negative. After 1967 the choices of the dominant economic classes were oriented toward liberalism, and the arrival of Sadat allowed this orientation to prevail even before the infitah. The various measures of the infitah were designed to promote investment, reactivate the private sector, and reorganize the public sector. Most of the specific projects approved through 1978 were in the tertiary sector, they did little to stimulate further development, and the total number of jobs created was relatively insignificant. The transformation of the Egyptian economy is due not so much to the infitah as to 4 other elements: oil, income from the Suez canal, tourism, and emigration. At present petroleum represents 30% of Egypt's exports, the Suez canal will probably bring in $1.5 billion annually in coming years, and tourism brought in $1 billion in 1984, but in terms of economic and social impact on the total population emigration is much more important. The number of emigrants increased from 100,000 in 1973 to over 3 million in 1984 and the extent of their remittances increased from $184 million in 1973 to nearly $4 billion at present. Serious shortages of skilled and unskilled labor have been created by the departure of 10-15% of the overall labor force and a higher proportion for some skilled professions. The number of workers in construction more than doubled from 1971-79, while 10% of the agricultural labor force departed. Agricultural wages increased by an average of 7.1% in these years as agricultural workers were attracted to the higher wages of construction. However, the actual levels of agricultural wages were very low at outset. Differences between Egyptian wages and those paid in the Gulf states became so significant that they disrupted the prevailing norms and hierarchies of remuneration. The development of migration thus represents an individual response to 2 types of problems: the incapacity of the Egyptian state to develop an economy that creates employment, and the development of methods to allow each Arab state to benefit from petroleum income. But the future course of migration to the Gulf states is not known, and whether the improvements already observed in the lives of rural Egyptians can be sustained over the long term is a vital question.
[The effects of manpower emigration on income distribution and consumption models in the Egyptian economy] Les effets de l'emigration de main-d'oeuvre sur la distribution des revenus et les modeles de consommation dans l'economie Egyptienne.
Tiers-Monde. 1985 Jul-Sep; 26(103):507-22.This work analyzes the effects of emigration from Egypt on the distribution of income and the consumption model of the Egyptian economy. The increasing role of remittances as a principal source of household income has disturbed the old division of income among socioeconomic groups. It is difficult to estimate the volume of remittances with any precision because of the variety of ways in which they can be made. Official statistics tend to underestimate their value by ignoring black market transactions, remittances of merchandise, and other forms. An estimate was made of the value of remittances in 1980 taking account of wage levels of 5 different types of workers in the principal employing countries, their average propensities to save, and the employment structure of migrants by socioprofessional groups. The average educational level of emigrants appears to have declined somewhat between 1972-78. Average monthly income for emigrants was estimated to range from 792 Egyptian pounds for technical and professional workers to 252 for unskilled workers and the propensity to save was estimated to range from 40% for technical and scientific workers to 15% for unskilled workers. The total income remitted in 1980 in millions of Egyptian pounds was estimated at 912 for 240,000 technical and scienfific workers, 739 for 360,000 intermediate level workers, 415 for 300,000 artisans and workers, 60 for 60,000 chauffeurs, and 109 for 240,000 unskilled workers. Although remittances have elevated the per capita income of the low income groups, their impact has been diminished by severe inflationary pressures which have led to a decline in living levels and a less complete satisfaction of basic needs. Salary levels of construction workers were 7-9 times higher in Egyptian pounds in 1977 in 3 countries of immigration than in Egypt, while they were 7-10 times higher in 4 countries for university professors. Remittances are used by families receiving them for subsistence or investment; lower income groups are more likely to use a large proportion for support and to buy locally produced goods, while higher income groups tend to save more and to purchase a larger proportion of imported goods. 1 of the significant effects of remittances is to orient individual consumption toward luxury consumer goods, which in turn entails a progressive substitution of imported for local goods and a growing disparity between the consumption of those who succeed in migrating and those who don't. Remittances sent by low income emigrants for family support are the only mechanism with a stimulating effect on the demand for local goods of mediocre quality; all the other mechanisms stimulate the demand for high quality imported goods and services which have a negligible stimulating effect for the poorest segments of the population, rural or urban.
[The role of the state in the migration of workers and economic diversification in the countries of the Arab Peninsula] Le role de l'etat dans les migrations de travailleurs et la diversification economique des pays de la Peninsule Arabe.
Tiers-Monde. 1985 Jul-Sep; 26(103):597-620.This work argues that analyses of the contribution of foreign workers to economic diversification of the Gulf states should begin with a study of the structure of petroleum income and the social relations of each country. This hypothesis is in contrast to those which regard the labor market or the low activity rates of Gulf countries as the principle impetus for labor migrations in the Middle East. Although the labor importing countries differ in their degrees of development, size, existing infrastructure, agricultural development, and other key aspects, they have some important features in common. Recourse to foreign labor developed in all the countries during the early 1970s as a result of the increase in petroleum prices. Until the late 1960s, the petroleum producing countries had seen the bulk of the petroleum revenues go to the large oil companies and the consuming countries. The legitimacy of their governments rested on the support of the oil companies and on a system of internal alliances among clans in which the paramount clan redistributed the income receive from the petroleum companies. The redistributed value did not strictly speaking represent the profit but only a fraction of the world petroleum profit divided up by the oil companies. The structure of the state and the relations which attached it to the civil society continue to constitute an effective and durable block to mobilization of an internal labor force. The state, becaue of its relations to the oil companies, had no need of investments. The internal economies of gulf oil producing states were weakly diversified before the 1970s, the state was highly influential, capital as a particular aspect of wealth was poorly developed or undeveloped except in enclaves with foreign capital, internal consumption was largely imported, and no mechanism existed to break the ties of the individual clans or tribes with the state. After 1974 the large oil states undertook a sustained process of productive reallocation of surplus income whose forms depended on their possibilities of insertion in the world economy and their internal social structures. The goal was to transfer a significant fraction of income into capital. The network of alliances put into place by unproductive redistributions cannot be modified without compromising the stability of the state; recourse to foreign manpower in large part is an answer to the inability to disengage local labor. Immigration however appears to be limited by the fact that almost all tensions related to growth find expression in antagonism between nationals and foreign workers. Exportation of capital to the peripheral Arab states with large labor forces does not appear to be a satisfactory solution to the problems of massive labor importation and economic diversification.
[Pakistan: emigration in the Gulf and its effects on the home economy] L'emigration Pakistanaise dans le Golfe et ses repercussions sur le pays d'origine.
Tiers-Monde. 1985 Jul-Sep; 26(103):553-66.Pakistani emigration since the early 1970s has been primarily directed toward the oil-rich Gulf states. Over 2 million Pakistanis, 10% of the adult male workforce, now live outside their home country, 3/4 of them in the Gulf states. The emigration has shortterm advantages for Pakistan, which has a high unemployment rate and few other exports. 2 government bureaus and over 300 recruiting agencies encourage Pakistani emigration to the Gulf, and because of the foreign exchange earnings generated, such emigration has become an important concern of the government. Emigration has a long history in Pakistan as part of the migratory movements of the Indian subcontinent in general. Emigration in the 1960s was prompted by mechanization of agriculture and disturbances of traditional agrarian labor arrangements brought on by the Green Revolution. Concentrations of lands among the successful middle-sized producers led to a rural proletariat and exodus towards the cities, where possibilities of employment were scarce. Regions of declining income around the new capital of Islamabad were the 1st to take advantage of new employment opportunities in the Gulf states. Pakistani migration to the Gulf countries is temporary for individual workers, who stay an average of 3-6 years, but the effect is of chain migration as returning workers are replaced by other family members. Workers are not accompanied by family members and have almost no contact with the local Arab populations. They send most of their earnings to their families in Pakistan. 3/4 are under 30 years old, most are of rural origin, and the majority are from the northern provinces. Although 70% are married, only 4% of migrants, the most highly qualified, are accompanied by their families. About 41% are unskilled workers and 42.6% are semiskilled or skilled manual workers. In 1981, the average annual salary repatriated by a Pakistani working in the Gulf was $3000. The Pakistani government has not defined a migration policy but has established rules and procedures to curtail clandestine departures. Most migrants use the services of licensed private employment agencies and very few use public channels. Because the migration is relatively new and few studies have been done, it is difficult to evaluate its effects on the local economy. 1 result is a severe local shortage of labor, especially in construction and transportation, which has promoted inflation and particularly affected the most impoverished classes. Remissions are now the most important source of Pakistan's foreign exchange earnings, but are not being invested in economic, industrial, or agricultural development, which has remained stagnant while 55% of the national budget is directed to defense. Most migrant earnings are invested in housing, marriages and dowries, and luxury imported consumer goods. In the current state of Pakistan's economy, migration is the sole means of socioeconomic advancement for the vast majority, but the future of the movement is uncertain.
[Manpower migrations in the Arab world: the reverse of the New Economic Order] Migrations de main-d'oeuvre dans le monde Arabe l'envers du Nouvel Ordre Economique.
Tiers-Monde. 1985 Jul-Sep; 26(103):665-79.Population and petroleum, 2 essential factors in the development of the Arab world, are unequally distributed in the 18 Arab countries. The abstract possibility of mutually beneficial cooperation between the countries with large populations and no oil and those with oil but small populations is far from being realized; on the contrary, growing inequality and deterioration of human and productive resources can be observed in the Arab world. The apparent economic progress of the oil producing states is illusory, because it has permitted them to defer development of their own internal resources such as agriculture, industry, professional training and education in favor of greater dependence on the temporary palliative of petroleum revenues. In 1980, over 3 million Arabs had emigrated toward other Arab countries, where they were joined by approximately 1.8 million non-Arabs. 4 types of Arab migration have been important: movement from the countryside to cities within countries, movement of Arab migrants to non-Arab countries, movement from 1 Arab state to another because of political factors and especially to earn high wages in the oil producing states, and immigration of non-Arabs and especially Asians to Arab countries. 6 of the principal manpower importing countries, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Libya, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Qatar, had total labor forces of about 5.2 million in 1985, of which only 41% were nationals. There have been 4 main consequences for the states importing manpower: 1) petroleum production is very capital intensive and creates few jobs; the jobs filled by migrants are mostly in construction and services funded by oil revenues 2) the expansion is temporary because petroleum is a nonrenewable resource; the manpower transfers will therefore not be permanent 3) the migrants represent a large proportion of the labor force and populations of the Gulf oil-producing states, and 4) the migrants are systematically excluded from the political and social life of the countries in which they work, have no juridical protection or political rights, and are the objects of growing hostility in the countries where they work. The most important consequence may be the least visible: because of the petroleum income and the migratory flows the local populations are less and less motivated to work. The immigrants are almost all single or unaccompanied men who send most of their earnings to their home countries. Thus far there has been little apparent political activity or labor unrest among them in the host countries, but it is unclear how long the apparent calm can be sustained. The most obvious consequence of the migration for the sending countries is the massive flow of remittances. In 1980, such transfers between Arab countries were estimated to total around $3 billion, not counting income in kind. The remittances do not appear to be invested in productive enterprises with any frequency but rather to be used for purchases of mostly imported consumer goods and in speculation. Few migrants learn useful job skills, and some countries have lost large proportions of their skilled workers to migration. Migrant earnings have depressed local production by encouraging imports, especially of foodstuffs, and have fostered inflation by stimulating demand for land and wage increases.